Meritocracy
One of the things sometimes said about
America is that it should be a meritocracy — that those who work hard
deserve their success, and that all we really need to do is provide
equal opportunity for all to succeed, through providing public
education through high school at taxpayers' expense and making colleges
available and some scholarship and loan aid to our young people whose
families can't afford to pay for college costs themselves.
But in most towns, there are individuals and corporations and absentees
of various kinds who own the prime sites, and they get to collect rent — rent
on buildings (to which Georgists believe they are fully entitled) and rent
on the location (to which Georgists believe the community is entitled). Then
someone has to pay for the infrastructure and services which, with the natural
amenities none of us can take credit for and the population growth to which
we each contribute equally, help make the site valuable. So while we
may tax land value a little, we also tax buildings (see: property tax is two
taxes), and in many places we tax wages and other income, and even sales, in
order
to provide those publicly funded goods which serve to increase the locational
rent that the tenant pays! Much better would be to tax land
value more, and buildings, income and sales less or not at all. This
would align justice and desirable incentives, and would actually reduce the
amount that government needs to spend taking care of those who lack jobs sufficient
to provide income to meet their own needs.
Should the child of someone who owns a fabulously located piece of land
have more advantages than the child of someone who must pay rent for their
bit of land on the fringe? This is a different question from whether the
child of the person who provides some valued service to others out of his
own talents and effort should have more than the person who could work but
doesn't. But we don't make that distinction nearly as clearly as
we should,
and it
is an important difference. Land value taxation provides a way to collect
back for the commons that which comes from the commons
Henry George: The
Land Question (1881)
A little Island or a little World
IMAGINE
an island girt with ocean; imagine a little world swimming in space.
Put on it, in imagination, human beings. Let them divide the land,
share and share alike, as individual property. At first, while
population is sparse and industrial processes rude and primitive, this
will work well enough.
Turn away the eyes of the mind for a moment, let time pass, and look
again. Some families will have died out, some have greatly multiplied;
on the whole, population will have largely increased, and even
supposing there have been no important inventions or improvements in
the productive arts, the increase in population, by causing the
division of labor, will have made industry more complex. During this
time some of these people will have been careless, generous,
improvident; some will have been thrifty and grasping. Some of them
will have devoted much of their powers to thinking of how they
themselves and the things they see around them came to be, to inquiries
and speculations as to what there is in the universe beyond their
little island or their little world, to making poems, painting
pictures, or writing books; to noting the differences in rocks and
trees and shrubs and grasses; to classifying beasts and birds and
fishes and insects – to the doing, in short, of all the many things
which add so largely to the sum of human knowledge and human happiness,
without much or any gain of wealth to the doer. Others again will have
devoted all their energies to the extending of their possessions. What,
then, shall we see, land having been all this time treated as private
property? Clearly, we shall see that the primitive equality has given
way to inequality. Some will have very much more than one of the
original shares into which the land was divided; very many will have no
land at all. Suppose that, in all things save this, our little island
or our little world is Utopia – that there are no wars or robberies;
that the government is absolutely pure and taxes nominal; suppose, if
you want to, any sort of a currency; imagine, if you can imagine such a
world or island, that interest is utterly abolished; yet inequality in
the ownership of land will have produced poverty and virtual slavery.
For the people we have supposed are human beings – that is to say, in
their physical natures at least, they are animals who can live only on
land and by the aid of the products of land. They may make machines
which will enable them to float on the sea, or perhaps to fly in the
air, but to build and equip these machines they must have land and the
products of land, and must constantly come back to land. Therefore
those who own the land must be the masters of the rest. Thus, if one
man has come to own all the land, he is their absolute master even to
life or death. If they can live on the land only on his terms, then
they can live only on his terms, for without land they cannot live.
They are his absolute slaves, and so long as his ownership is
acknowledged, if they want to live, they must do in everything as he
wills.
If, however, the concentration of landownership has not gone so far as
to make one or a very few men the owners of all the land – if there are
still so many landowners that there is competition between them as well
as between those who have only their labor – then the terms on which
these non-landholders can live will seem more like free contract. But
it will not be free contract. Land can yield no wealth without the
application of labor; labor can produce no wealth without land. These
are the two equally necessary factors of production. Yet, to say that
they are equally necessary factors of production is not to say that, in
the making of contracts as to how the results of production are
divided, the possessors of these two meet on equal terms. For the
nature of these two factors is very different. Land is a natural
element; the human being must have his stomach filled every few hours.
Land can exist without labor, but labor cannot exist without land. If I
own a piece of land, I can let it lie idle for a year or for years, and
it will eat nothing. But the laborer must eat every day, and his family
must eat. And so, in the making of terms between them, the landowner
has an immense advantage over the laborer. It is on the side of the
laborer that the intense pressure of competition comes, for in his case
it is competition urged by hunger. And, further than this: As
population increases, as the competition for the use of land becomes
more and more intense, so are the owners of land enabled to get for the
use of their land a larger and larger part of the wealth which labor
exerted upon it produces. That is to say, the value of land steadily
rises. Now, this steady rise in the value of land brings about a
confident expectation of future increase of value, which produces among
landowners all the effects of a combination to hold for higher prices.
Thus there is a constant tendency to force mere laborers to take less
and less or to give more and more (put it which way you please, it
amounts to the same thing) of the products of their work for the
opportunity to work. And thus, in the very nature of things, we should
see on our little island or our little world that, after a time had
passed, some of the people would be able to take and enjoy a
superabundance of all the fruits of labor without doing any labor at
all, while others would be forced to work the livelong day for a
pitiful living.
But let us introduce another element into the supposition. Let us
suppose great discoveries and inventions – such as the steam-engine,
the power-loom, the Bessemer process, the reaping-machine, and the
thousand and one labor-saving devices that are such a marked feature of
our era. What would be the result?
Manifestly, the effect of all such discoveries and inventions is to
increase the power of labor in producing wealth – to enable the same
amount of wealth to be produced by less labor, or a greater amount with
the same labor. But none of them lessen, or can lessen the necessity
for land. Until we can discover some way of making something out of
nothing – and that is so far beyond our powers as to be absolutely
unthinkable – there is no possible discovery or invention which can
lessen the dependence of labor upon land. And, this being the case, the
effect of these labor-saving devices, land being the private property
of some, would simply be to increase the proportion of the wealth
produced that landowners could demand for the use of their land. The
ultimate effect of these discoveries and inventions would be not to
benefit the laborer, but to make him more dependent.
And, since we are imagining conditions, imagine laborsaving inventions
to go to the farthest imaginable point, that is to say, to perfection.
What then? Why then, the necessity for labor being done away with, all
the wealth that the land could produce would go entire to the
landowners. None of it whatever could be claimed by any one else. For
the laborers there would be no use at all. If they continued to exist,
it would be merely as paupers on the bounty of the landowners!... read the whole article
Henry George: Thou Shalt Not Steal
"Thou shalt not steal"; that is the law of God. What does it mean? Well,
it does not merely mean that you shall not pick pockets! It does not merely
mean that you shall not commit burglary or highway robbery! There are other
forms of stealing which it prohibits as well. It certainly means (if it
has any meaning) that we shall not take that to which we are not entitled,
to
the detriment of
others.
Now, here is a desert. Here is a caravan
going along over the desert. Here is a gang of robbers.
They say: "Look! There is a rich caravan; let us go and rob it, kill the men
if necessary, take their goods from them, their camels and
horses, and walk off." But one of the robbers says: "Oh, no; that is dangerous;
besides, that would be stealing! Let us, instead of doing that, go ahead to where
there is a spring, the only spring at which this caravan can get water in this
desert. Let us put a wall around it and call it ours, and when they come up we
won’t let them have any water until they have given us all the goods they
have." That would be more gentlemanly, more polite, and more respectable;
but would it not be theft all the same? And is it not theft of the same kind
when people go ahead in advance of population and get land they have no use
whatever
for, and then, as people come into the world and population increases, will
not let
this increasing population use the land until they pay an exorbitant
price?
That is the sort of theft on which our first families are founded.
Do that under the false code of morality which exists here today and people
will praise
your forethought and your enterprise, and will say you have made money because
you are a very superior person, and that all can make money if they will only
work and be industrious! But is it not as clearly a violation of the command: "Thou
shalt not steal," as taking the money out of a person’s pocket?
"Thou shalt not steal." That means, of course, that we ourselves must not
steal. But does it not also mean that we must not suffer anybody else to
steal if we can help it?
"Thou shalt not steal." Does it not also mean: "Thou shalt not suffer thyself
or anybody else to be stolen from?" If it does, then we, all of us, rich
and poor alike, are responsible for this social crime that produces poverty.
Not merely the people who monopolize the land — they are not to blame
above anyone else, but we who permit them to monopolize land are also parties
to the theft. ... read the whole article
Bill Batt: Painless Taxation
Abstract
Real tax reform could do away with those taxes that are resented
by the large proportion of our population. We could replace all taxes on
wages and on interest by instead taxing economic rent. Rent is windfall income;
it is income that arises not from the efforts of any person or corporation;
it comes about as a surplus gain from common social enterprise. There is
ample moral warrant for society to lay claim to that which it has created,
as well as to that which no individual or party has earned. Analysis increasingly
makes clear that economic rent in all its forms is far larger than official
government figures indicate; in fact it is likely sufficient to supplant
all current taxes on labor and capital (wages and interest) which are acknowledged
to have so many negative effects. Recovering economic rent in all its manifestations
by taxing its various bases actually can foster economic performance and
yield other benefits that make it the natural source of revenue for governments.
Such a tax is essentially painless. ...
The Tax Base
The next concern should be upon what base to impose a tax — not about
taxing whom but taxing what. There are only three possibilities, as all revenue
streams necessarily come from one of three factors of economic production —
1) upon resources found raw in nature (what was classically called land),
2) upon our labor, or
3) upon things created by human hands or minds (capital).
No other source exists; every possible tax must be on one or some combination
of these parts. Each of these factors has its price: the price of land is
counted in economic rent; the price of labor is in wages, and the price of
capital (its liquid form) is in interest.
Any tax on capital has its downside effects, so that taxing savings causes
people to save less, taxing consumption causes people to buy less, and
taxing buildings causes people to build less. The result is that economists
as well
as businessmen usually frown upon taxing capital. Another alternative is
to tax labor, but it is even more widely understood that taxing labor normally
discourages people from working as much as they would in the absence of
a tax. From this comes sentiment against taxing labor, even though for want
of any alternative, people have today commonly come to accept it as a necessity.
But electing to tax labor, just as for taxing capital, forecloses a discussion
of the virtues of taxing land — not necessarily land as earth, but
rather land as location. Yet land rent is the most attractive tax base
of all, as rent is not earned; it is windfall income, entirely the result
of
being well situated in any market of scarce natural resources and where
community demand (rather than one's own efforts) leads to an appreciation
of that land's
price. To be sure many people have learned to position themselves
in situations where a land's market value is likely to rise — indeed
these people come to think of themselves as astute investors. But
the fact is that that market gain is not of their own doing at all; it
is the result of common
enterprise creating a surplus that comes to settle on land sites. An investment
in land, in any form it might take, is speculation in greater or lesser
degree. ... read the whole article
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