|   
  Founding
  Fathers, First Families 
  
    
      As a country, we tend to honor the founders
        of the country. And they should be honored, to the extent that they created
        the framework for a society that works for all of us. But it is also useful
        to notice that most of them were large landholders, and that they set things
        up in ways that were profitable and advantageous to their class. Their
        heirs tended to have a lot of land, often very good land. Fortunes were
        made on that land, and their slaves and their tenants were the losers in
        the equation. And today, there are important remnants of what they set
        up which still disadvantage most people with respect to land. And even when someone's ancestors braved a long trek in a time of less
        infrastructure and little technology, does that entitle them to be treated
        differently today, paid for by their more newly arrived neighbors? How should we honor such claims to our labor today? Wealthandwant
        contends that we must not, and that the way to correct the inequity — and
        iniquity — is by placing our primary tax load onto the value of
        our best land. 
  
    Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George,
        a themed collection of
excerpts from the writings of Henry George (with links to sources) 
      THE general subjection of the many to the few, which we meet with wherever
        society has reached a certain development, has resulted from the appropriation
        of land as individual property. It is the ownership of the soil that
        everywhere gives the ownership of the men that live upon it. It is slavery
        of this kind to which the enduring pyramids and the colossal monuments
        of Egypt yet bear witness, and of the institution of which we have, perhaps,
        a vague tradition in the biblical story of the famine during which the
        Pharaoh purchased up the lands of the people. It was slavery of this
        kind to which, in the twilight of history, the conquerors of Greece reduced
        the original inhabitants of that peninsula, transforming them into helots
        by making them pay rent for their lands. It was the growth of the latifundia,
        or great landed estates, which transmuted the population of ancient Italy
        from a race of hardy husbandmen, whose robust virtues conquered the world,
        into a race of cringing bondsmen; it was the appropriation of the land
        as the absolute property of their chieftains which gradually turned the
        descendants of free and equal Gallic, Teutonic and Hunnish warriors into
        colonii and villains, and which changed the independent burghers of Sclavonic
        village communities into the boors of Russia and the serfs of Poland;
        which instituted the feudalism of China and Japan, as well as that of
        Europe, and which made the High Chiefs of Polynesia the all but absolute
        masters of their fellows. How it came to pass that the Aryan shepherds
        and warriors who, as comparative philology tells us, descended from the
        common birth-place of the Indo-Germanic race into the lowlands of India,
        were turned into the suppliant and cringing Hindoo, the Sanscrit verse
        which I have before quoted gives us a hint. The white parasols and the
        elephants mad with pride of the Indian Rajah are the flowers of grants
        of land. — Progress & Poverty — Book
        VII, Chapter 1, Justice of the Remedy: Injustice of private property
        in land
 TRACE to their root the causes that are thus producing want in the midst of plenty,
ignorance in the midst of intelligence, aristocracy in democracy, weakness in
strength — that are giving to our civilization a one-sided and unstable
development, and you will find it something which this Hebrew statesman three
thousand years ago perceived and guarded against. Moses saw that the real cause
of the enslavement of the masses of Egypt was, what has everywhere produced enslavement,
the possession by a class of the land upon which, and from which, the whole people
must live. He saw that to permit in land the same unqualified private ownership
that by natural right attaches to the things produced by labor, would be inevitably
to separate the people into the very rich and the very poor, inevitably to enslave
labor — to make the few the masters of. the many, no matter what the political
forms, to bring vice and degradation, no matter what the religion.
 
 And with the foresight of the philosophic statesman who legislates not for the
need of a day, but for all the future, he sought, in ways suited to his times
and conditions, to guard against this error. — Moses
 
 THE women who by the thousands are bending over their needles or sewing machines,
thirteen, fourteen, sixteen hours a day; these widows straining and striving
to bring up the little ones deprived of their natural bread-winner; the children
that are growing up in squalor and wretchedness, under-clothed, under-fed, under-educated,
even in this city without any place to play — growing up under conditions
in which only a miracle can keep them pure — under conditions which condemn
them in advance to the penitentiary or the brothel — they suffer, they
die, because we permit them to be
robbed, robbed of their birthright, robbed by a system which disinherits the
vast majority of the children that come into the world. There is enough and to
spare for them. Had they the equal rights in the estate which their Creator has
given them, there would be no young girls forced to unwomanly toil to eke out
a mere existence, no widows finding it such a bitter, bitter struggle to put
bread in the mouths of their little children; no such misery and squalor as we
may see here in the greatest of American cities; misery and squalor that are
deepest in the largest and richest centers of our civilization today. — Thou
Shalt Not Steal ... go to "Gems from George"
 Henry George: Coming Increase of Social Pressure  (Chapter 3 of Social Problems, 1883) 
      [03] This westward expansion of population has gone on steadily since the
  first settlement of the Eastern shore. It has been the great distinguishing
  feature in the conditions of our people. Without its possibility we would have
  been in nothing what we are. Our higher standard of wages and of comfort and
  of average intelligence, our superior self-reliance, energy, inventiveness,
  adaptability and assimilative power, spring as directly from this possibility
  of expansion as does our unprecedented growth. All that we are proud of in
  national life and national character comes primarily from our background of
  unused land. We are but transplanted Europeans, and, for that matter mostly
  of the "inferior classes." It is not usually those whose position
  is comfortable and whose prospects are bright who emigrate; it is those who
  are pinched and dissatisfied, those to whom no prospect seems open. There are
  heralds' colleges in Europe that drive a good business in providing a certain
  class of Americans with pedigrees and coats of arms; but it is probably well
  for this sort of self-esteem that the majority of us cannot truly trace our
  ancestry very far. We had some Pilgrim Fathers, it is true; likewise some Quaker
  fathers, and other sorts of fathers; yet the majority even of the early settlers
  did not come to America for "freedom to worship God," but because
  they were poor, dissatisfied, unsuccessful, or recklessly adventurous —  many
  because they were evicted, many to escape imprisonment, many because they were
  kidnapped, many as self-sold bondsmen, as indentured apprentices, or mercenary
  soldiers. It is the virtue of new soil, the freedom of opportunity given by
  the possibility of expansion, that has here transmuted into wholesome human
  growth material that, had it remained in Europe, might have been degraded and
  dangerous, just as in Australia the same conditions have made respected and
  self-respecting citizens out of the descendants of convicts, and even out of
  convicts themselves. ...
        read the entire essay Louis Post: Outlines of Louis F.
      Post's Lectures, with Illustrative Notes and Charts (1894) 
       d. Effect of Confiscating Rent to Private Use.   By giving Rent to individuals society ignores this most just law, 99
        thereby creating social disorder and inviting social disease. Upon society
        alone, therefore, and not upon divine Providence which has provided bountifully,
        nor upon the disinherited poor, rests the responsibility for poverty
        and fear of poverty. 
        99. "Whatever dispute arouses the passions of
            men, the conflict is sure to rage, not so much as to the question
            'Is it wise?' as to the question 'Is it right?' "This tendency of popular discussions to take
            an ethical form has a cause. It springs from a law of the human mind;
            it rests upon a vague and instinctive recognition of what is probably
            the deepest truth we can grasp. That alone is wise which is just;
            that alone is enduring which is right. In the narrow scale of individual
            actions and individual life this truth may be often obscured, but
            in the wider field of national life it everywhere stands out. "I bow to this arbitrament, and accept this test." — Progress
            and Poverty, book vii, ch. i. The reader who has been deceived into believing that
            Mr. George's proposition is in any respect unjust, will find profit
            in a perusal of the entire chapter from which the foregoing extract
            is taken. Let us try to trace the connection by means of a chart, beginning with
        the white spaces on page 68. As before, the first-comers take possession
        of the best land. But instead of leaving for others what they do not
        themselves need for use, as in the previous illustrations, they appropriate
        the whole space, using only part, but claiming ownership of the rest.
        We may distinguish the used part with red color, and that which is appropriated
        without use with blue. Thus: [chart] But what motive is there for appropriating more of the space than is
        used? Simply that the appropriators may secure the pecuniary benefit
        of future social growth. What will enable them to secure that? Our system
        of confiscating Rent from the community that earns it, and giving it
        to land-owners who, as such, earn nothing.100 
        100. It is reported from Iowa that a few years ago
            a workman in that State saw a meteorite fall, and. securing possession
            of it after much digging, he was offered $105 by a college for his "find." But
            the owner of the land on which the meteorite fell claimed the money,
            and the two went to law about it. After an appeal to the highest
            court of the State, it was finally decided that neither by right
            of discovery, nor by right of labor, could the workman have the money,
            because the title to the meteorite was in the man who owned the land
            upon which it fell. Observe the effect now upon Rent and Wages. When other men come, instead
        of finding half of the best land still common and free, as in the corresponding
        chart on page 68, they find all of it owned, and are obliged either to
        go upon poorer land or to buy or rent from owners of the best. How much
        will they pay for the best? Not more than 1, if they want it for use
        and not to hold for a higher price in the future, for that represents
        the full difference between its productiveness and the productiveness
        of the next best. But if the first-comers, reasoning that the next best
        land will soon be scarce and theirs will then rise in value, refuse to
        sell or to rent at that valuation, the newcomers must resort to land
        of the second grade, though the best be as yet only partly used. Consequently
        land of the first grade commands Rent before it otherwise would. As the sellers' price, under these circumstances, is arbitrary it cannot
        be stated in the chart; but the buyers' price is limited by the superiority
        of the best land over that which can be had for nothing, and the chart
        may be made to show it: [chart] And now, owing to the success of the appropriators of the best land
        in securing more than their fellows for the same expenditure of labor
        force, a rush is made for unappropriated land. It is not to use it that
        it is wanted, but to enable its appropriators to put Rent into their
        own pockets as soon as growing demand for land makes it valuable.101
        We may, for illustration, suppose that all the remainder of the second
        space and the whole of the third are thus appropriated, and note the
        effect: [chart] At this point Rent does not increase nor Wages fall, because there is
        no increased demand for land for use. The holding of inferior land for
        higher prices, when demand for use is at a standstill, is like owning
        lots in the moon — entertaining, perhaps, but not profitable. But
        let more land be needed for use, and matters promptly assume a different
        appearance. The new labor must either go to the space that yields but
        1, or buy or rent from owners of better grades, or hire out. The effect
        would be the same in any case. Nobody for the given expenditure of labor
        force would get more than 1; the surplus of products would go to landowners
        as Rent, either directly in rent payments, or indirectly through lower
        Wages. Thus: [chart] 
        101. The text speaks of Rent only as a periodical
            or continuous payment — what would be called "ground rent." But
            actual or potential Rent may always be, and frequently is, capitalized
            for the purpose of selling the right to enjoy it, and it is to selling
            value that we usually refer when dealing in land. Land which has the power of yielding Rent to its owner
            will have a selling value, whether it be used or not, and whether
            Rent is actually derived from it or not. This selling value will
            be the capitalization of its present or prospective power of producing
            Rent. In fact, much the larger proportion of laud that has a selling
            value is wholly or partly unused, producing no Rent at all, or less
            than it would if fully used. This condition is expressed in the chart
            by the blue color. "The capitalized value of land is the actuarial
            'discounted' value of all the net incomes which it is likely to afford,
            allowance being made on the one hand for all incidental expenses,
            including those of collecting the rents, and on the other for its
            mineral wealth, its capabilities of development for any kind of business,
            and its advantages, material, social, and aesthetic, for the purposes
            of residence." — Marshall's Prin., book vi, ch. ix, sec.
            9. "The value of land is commonly expressed as a
            certain number of times the current money rental, or in other words,
            a certain 'number of years' purchase' of that rental; and other things
            being equal, it will be the higher the more important these direct
            gratifications are, as well as the greater the chance that they and
            the money income afforded by the land will rise." — Id.,
            note. "Value . . . means not utility, not any quality
            inhering in the thing itself, but a quality which gives to the possession
            of a thing the power of obtaining other things, in return for it
            or for its use. . . Value in this sense — the usual sense — is
            purely relative. It exists from and is measured by the power of obtaining
            things for things by exchanging them. . . Utility is necessary to
            value, for nothing can be valuable unless it has the quality of gratifying
            some physical or mental desire of man, though it be but a fancy or
            whim. But utility of itself does not give value. . . If we ask ourselves
            the reason of . . . variations in . . . value . . . we see that things
            having some form of utility or desirability, are valuable or not
            valuable, as they are hard or easy to get. And if we ask further,
            we may see that with most of the things that have value this difficulty
            or ease of getting them, which determines value, depends on the amount
            of labor which must be expended in producing them ; i.e., bringing
            them into the place, form and condition in which they are desired.
            . . Value is simply an expression of the labor required for the production
            of such a thing. But there are some things as to which this is not
            so clear. Land is not produced by labor, yet land, irrespective of
            any improvements that labor has made on it, often has value. . .
            Yet a little examination will show that such facts are but exemplifications
            of the general principle, just as the rise of a balloon and the fall
            of a stone both exemplify the universal law of gravitation. . . The
            value of everything produced by labor, from a pound of chalk or a
            paper of pins to the elaborate structure and appurtenances of a first-class
            ocean steamer, is resolvable on analysis into an equivalent of the
            labor required to produce such a thing in form and place; while the
            value of things not produced by labor, but nevertheless susceptible
            of ownership, is in the same way resolvable into an equivalent of
            the labor which the ownership of such a thing enables the owner to
            obtain or save." — Perplexed Philosopher, ch. v. The figure 1 in parenthesis, as an item of Rent, indicates potential
        Rent. Labor would give that much for the privilege of using the space,
        but the owners hold out for better terms; therefore neither Rent nor
        Wages is actually produced, though but for this both might be. In this chart, notwithstanding that but little space is used, indicated
        with red, Wages are reduced to the same low point by the mere appropriation
        of space, indicated with blue, that they would reach if all the space
        above the poorest were fully used. It thereby appears that under a system
        which confiscates Rent to private uses, the demand for land for speculative
        purposes becomes so great that Wages fall to a minimum long before they
        would if land were appropriated only for use. In illustrating the effect of confiscating Rent to private use we have
        as yet ignored the element of social growth. Let us now assume as before
        (page 73), that social growth increases the productive power of the given
        expenditure of labor force to 100 when applied to the best land, 50 when
        applied to the next best, 10 to the next, 3 to the next, and 1 to the
        poorest. Labor would not be benefited now, as it appeared to be when
        on page 73 we illustrated the appropriation of land for use only, although
        much less land is actually used. The prizes which expectation of future
        social growth dangles before men as the rewards of owning land, would
        raise demand so as to make it more than ever difficult to get land. All
        of the fourth grade would be taken up in expectation of future demand;
        and "surplus labor" would be crowded out to the open space
        that originally yielded nothing, but which in consequence of increased
        labor power now yields as much as the poorest closed space originally
        yielded, namely, 1 to the given expenditure of labor force.102 Wages
        would then be reduced to the present productiveness of the open space.
        Thus: [chart] 
        102. The paradise to which the youth of our country
            have so long been directed in the advice, "Go West, young man,
            go West," is truthfully described in "Progress and Poverty," book
            iv, ch. iv, as follows : 
          "The man who sets out from the eastern seaboard
              in search of the margin of cultivation, where he may obtain land
              without paying rent, must, like the man who swam the river to get
              a drink, pass for long distances through half-titled farms, and
              traverse vast areas of virgin soil, before he reaches the point
              where land can be had free of rent — i.e., by homestead entry
              or preemption." If we assume that 1 for the given expenditure of labor force is the
        least that labor can take while exerting the same force, the downward
        movement of Wages will be here held in equilibrium. They cannot fall
        below 1; but neither can they rise above it, no matter how much productive
        power may increase, so long as it pays to hold land for higher values.
        Some laborers would continually be pushed back to land which increased
        productive power would have brought up in productiveness from 0 to 1,
        and by perpetual competition for work would so regulate the labor market
        that the given expenditure of labor force, however much it produced,
        could nowhere secure more than 1 in Wages.103 And this tendency would
        persist until some labor was forced upon land which, despite increase
        in productive power, would not yield the accustomed living without increase
        of labor force. Competition for work would then compel all laborers to
        increase their expenditure of labor force, and to do it over and over
        again as progress went on and lower and lower grades of land were monopolized,
        until human endurance could go no further.104 Either that, or they would
        be obliged to adapt themselves to a lower scale of living.105 
        103. Henry Fawcett, in his work on "Political
            Economy," book ii, ch. iii, observes with reference to improvements
            in agricultural implements which diminish the expense of cultivation,
            that they do not increase the profits of the farmer or the wages
            of his laborers, but that "the landlord will receive in addition
            to the rent already paid to him, all that is saved in the expense
            of cultivation." This is true not alone of improvements in agriculture,
            but also of improvements in all other branches of industry. 104. "The cause which limits speculation in commodities,
            the tendency of increasing price to draw forth additional supplies,
            cannot limit the speculative advance in land values, as land is a
            fixed quantity, which human agency can neither increase nor diminish;
            but there is nevertheless a limit to the price of land, in the minimum
            required by labor and capital as the condition of engaging in production.
            If it were possible to continuously reduce wages until zero were
            reached, it would be possible to continuously increase rent until
            it swallowed up the whole produce. But as wages cannot be permanently
            reduced below the point at which laborers will consent to work and
            reproduce, nor interest below the point at which capital will be
            devoted to production, there is a limit which restrains the speculative
            advance of rent. Hence, speculation cannot have the same scope to
            advance rent in countries where wages and interest are already near
            the minimum, as in countries where they are considerably above it.
            Yet that there is in all progressive countries a constant tendency
            in the speculative advance of rent to overpass the limit where production
            would cease, is, I think, shown by recurring seasons of industrial
            paralysis." — Progress and Poverty, book iv, ch. iv. 105. As Puck once put it, "the man who makes
            two blades of grass to grow where but one grew before, must not be
            surprised when ordered to 'keep off the grass.' " They in fact do both, and the incidental disturbances of general readjustment
        are what we call "hard times." 106 These culminate in forcing
        unused land into the market, thereby reducing Rent and reviving industry.
        Thus increase of labor force, a lowering of the scale of living, and
        depression of Rent, co-operate to bring on what we call "good times." But
        no sooner do "good times" return than renewed demands for land
        set in, Rent rises again, Wages fall again, and "hard times" duly
        reappear. The end of every period of "hard times" finds Rent
        higher and Wages lower than at the end of the previous period.107 
        106. "That a speculative advance in rent or land
            values invariably precedes each of these seasons of industrial depression
            is everywhere clear. That they bear to each other the relation of
            cause and effect, is obvious to whoever considers the necessary relation
            between land and labor." — Progress and Poverty, book
            v, ch. i. 107. What are called "good times" reach
            a point at which an upward land market sets in. From that point there
            is a downward tendency of wages (or a rise in the cost of living,
            which is the same thing) in all departments of labor and with all
            grades of laborers. This tendency continues until the fictitious
            values of land give way. So long as the tendency is felt only by
            that class which is hired for wages, it is poverty merely; when the
            same tendency is felt by the class of labor that is distinguished
            as "the business interests of the country," it is "hard
            times." And "hard times" are periodical because land
            values, by falling, allow "good times" to set it, and
            by rising with "good times" bring "hard times" on
            again. The effect of "hard times" may be overcome, without
            much, if any, fall in land values, by sufficient increase in productive
            power to overtake the fictitious value of land. The dishonest and disorderly system under which society confiscates
        Rent from common to individual uses, produces this result. That maladjustment
        is the fundamental cause of poverty. And progress, so long as the maladjustment
        continues, instead of tending to remove poverty as naturally it should,
        actually generates and intensifies it. Poverty persists with increase
        of productive power because land values, when Rent is privately appropriated,
        tend to even greater increase. There can be but one outcome if this continues:
        for individuals suffering and degradation, and for society destruction. ... read the book Walter Rybeck: What
          Affordable Housing Problem?  Like all creatures —      goldfinches,
          squirrels, butterflies, cicadas — we humans are squatters on
          this planet. We all need a part of earth for
      shelter, nourishment, a work site and a place to raise the next
      generation. Otherwise we perish. ... 
 In the 1980s, Washington, D.C., was concerned about its growing army of
      homeless. At that time I found there were 8,000 boarded-up dwelling
      units in our Nation's Capital — more than enough to accommodate
      some 5,000 street people. I also found there were 11,500 privately owned
      vacant lots in the District of Columbia, mostly zoned for and suitable
      for homes or apartments. Decent housing on these sites held in cold
      storage would have provided an alternative for the many low-income
      families squatting in places that were overcrowded, overpriced, overrun
      with vermin and overloaded with safety hazards.
 
 These issues spurred my research described in a 1988 report, "Affordable Housing — A Missing Link."
      Evidence from the Census Bureau, Bureau of Labor Statistics and other
      sources over a 30-year period revealed the following average cost
      increases of items that go into the building and maintenance of housing:
 
        Wages of general building construction workers rose 14
      percent a year.Wages of special trade construction workers rose 11
      percent a year.Construction material costs rose 11.5 percent a year.Combined wage-materials-managerial costs for residential
      building rose 12.5 percent a year.Fuel and utility costs for housing rose 13.8 percent a
      year. All
      of these costs closely tracked the Consumer Price Index which, over
      these same 30 years, rose by 12 percent a year. According to those
      figures, housing prices and housing rents apparently were held in check 
      Why do those statistics not seem to jibe with what you have been told,
      seen with your own eyes, and felt in your own pocketbooks? 
        How to explain that, during the last decade of my research
      period, U.S.
      households with serious housing problems increased from 19 to 24
      millions?What caused the portion of renters paying more than 35
      percent of their
      income for housing doubled from 21 to 41 percent during the last two
      decades of the study period?Why were over 2.4 million renters paying 60 percent or
      more of their income for rent? The
      answers would be obvious except that, so far, I have not mentioned
      what happened to the price of the land that housing sits on. Many of
      those who talk and write about housing conveniently overlook the fact
      that housing does not exist in mid air but is attached to the land, and
      that the price of this land has gone through the stratosphere.
 In contrast to those 11- to 14-percent annual increases in
      housing-related costs, residential land values nationwide rose almost
      80 percent a year, or almost 2000 percent over those three
      decades.  ...
 
 A close friend in
      Bethesda bought a house and lot there 40 years ago
      for $20,000. Two months ago he sold the property for a cool half
      million. That 2400 percent increase was entirely land value. The buyer
      immediately demolished the house to put up a larger one, so he clearly
      paid half a million for the location value — the land value —      alone.
 
 Officials, civic leaders and commentators who bemoan the lack of
      affordable housing nevertheless applaud each rise in real estate values
      as a sign of prosperity. Seeing their own assets multiply through no
      effort of their own apparently makes them forget the teachers, firemen,
      police and low-income people who are boxed out of a place to squat in
      their cities and neighborhoods. ...
 
 Many of our
      Founding Fathers, George Washington included, had amassed huge estates.
      But the property tax induced them to sell off excess lands they were
      not using.  ...
 
 One
      of the many virtues of a tax on land values is that it can be
      introduced gradually. Cities that take this incremental approach report
      that homeowners-voters-taxpayers hardly notice the change. What's important in modernizing
      your taxation is not the speed of change but the direction you choose.
      If you keep the present tax system with its disincentives for compact
      and wholesome growth, you will experience the treadmill effect that has
      been so familiar in so-called urban and housing "solutions." You will
      have to keep running faster and faster with patchwork remedies to keep
      from sliding backward.
 
 A caution. Revising taxes as proposed
      here will not end the need for
      housing subsidies, at least not in the short run, but it will do three
      things that should greatly reduce subsidies.
 
        One, by deflating land costs it will enable the private
      market to offer homes and sites at lower costs. 
          Two, this will shrink the number of families needing
      subsidies. 
          Three, it will stretch subsidy dollars farther because
      sites for publicly assisted housing can be acquired far more cheaply. 
      In Conclusion, I have tried to show that America has a housing land
      problem, not an affordable housing problem. This problem can be
      substantially alleviated by freeing the market of anti-enterprise taxes
      and by turning the property tax right
      side up -- that is, by dropping
      tax rates on housing and by raising them on publicly-created land
      values. Read the whole article Fred E. Foldvary — The
            Ultimate Tax Reform:
      Public Revenue from Land Rent  
  
    
      Land value taxation was viewed favorably by
        the classical economists, starting with Adam Smith, who wrote, “Ground-rents, and the ordinary rent of land,
          are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue which can best bear to have
          a particular tax imposed upon them. Ground-rents seem, in this respect, a more
          proper subject of particular taxation than even the ordinary rent of land.”14 
    
      In the late 1700s, Thomas Spence proposed communities made up of leaseholds,
          thus financing community expenses from the rent, an idea advanced later by
          Ebenezer Howard, who influenced the design of residential associations in the
          twentieth century. 
    
      Thomas Jefferson believed “the Earth is given as a common stock for
          men to labour and live on.”15 In 1797, he suggested “a land tax
          supply the means by which the individual States were to contribute their quotas
          of revenue to the Federal Government.”16 
    
      From 1778 to the adoption of the U.S.
        Constitution in 1789, the United States was governed by the Articles
        of Confederation. Article VII stated the
          expenses of the Confederation shall be defrayed out of a common treasury,
        which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion to the value
        of all land within each state, granted
          to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements
          thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States
        in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. The
        taxes for paying
          that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction
        of the legislatures of the several states within the time agreed upon
        by the United
          States in Congress assembled.17 
    
      Thus, the states would levy taxes and each would pass on a share of the federal
          budget based on its land value. Individuals would pay taxes only to their state
          and local governments.18 
    
      Thomas Paine, the eighteenth century political
        philosopher and activist known for his important role in the American
        Revolution, advocated in Agrarian Justice
          that land rent is the proper source of public revenue.19 Paine wrote, “it
          is the value of the improvements only, and not the Earth itself, that is individual
          property. Every proprietor, therefore, of cultivated land owes to the community
          a ground-rent, for I know no better term to express the idea by, for the land
          which he holds ...”20 
  
    Bill Batt: The Compatibility
        of Georgist Economics and Ecological Economics
 In the
            Georgist context a titleholder has the right to ownership of land in usufruct,
            but not in fee simple. As long as an owner uses land and other elements
            of nature in accord with the rules and laws of society, one retains a possessory
            interest. That interest extends to the privilege to use land for
            all purposes consistent with its proper maintenance and care. It extends
            even in some cases to the right to preclude others from any trespass at
            all. But what it typically does not include is the right
            to any speculative gain that would follow from title in freehold, or the
            right to use land beyond what it is capable of sustaining. Use implies
            that its quality is not diminished for the future availability of others,
            and that there is an obligation for the user to pay to society a just price
            in exchange for such use. One had no right, for example, to strip a forest
            of its trees. Enough is known now about the arrangements of land ownership
            and use in comparative perspective to assert with confidence that the historical
            practice of title in fee simple or freehold has been far more the exception
            than rule.20 Taking the
            long view of history, title in usufruct has been by far the more common
            pattern of ownership of natural resources, except where Roman jurisprudence
            and its offspring have spread throughout the world and come to dominate.
        
        In the United States, the definition of real property as explicated
        in the legal Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone may have been pivotal in
        the adoption of freehold interpretations of ownership over leasehold.21 For several
        years after this nation was founded which system of title would prevail hung
        in the balance.22 Thomas Paine
        was certainly an advocate of the latter,23 as was Jefferson.24 Hamilton, on
        the other hand, was a defender of propertied interests and titles in fee simple,
        and especially to his in-laws, the landowning families of upstate New York
        known as the Patroons.25 Leaseholds
        were used in several of the colonies, with the fees paid to governors.26  ... read the whole article
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