Ecosystem
Services
Are some of us more entitled to benefit from ecosystem services than others?
Is it right for some of us to charge others to access to those benefits? Are
we entitled to take for our generation non-renewable resources that future
generations may also need?
Bill Batt: The Compatibility of
Georgist Economics and Ecological Economics
Lastly, one must appreciate that the market
value of “land” of every sort is entirely rent, as there is no
human factor of labor that accounts for its origination. Services
of nature have no prior cost to bring them into production existence — the
electromagnetic spectrum, for example, exists regardless of human presence
on earth and so presumably does time. Ocean fish, fossil fuels, and heavy
metals are all found in nature, not the result of human creation. They are,
in 19th century classical economics, the fruits not of man’s labor
but of God’s. And it is to God, or at least to God’s representative
on earth — the lords and kings — that rent was owed, just as
much as it was their role to provide reciprocal services to the tenants of
the land. That bargain, so well refined in feudal economic arrangements,
was an equilibrium balance, disrupted, one might say, by the annulment of
rent collection and the exploitation of land without recognition of its price.
The practice effectively ended with what in Britain is known as the “enclosure
movement” of the early Tudor reign, driving the peasants off the land
into cities to provide cheap labor for the early English industrialists.28 But the theory
continued long afterwards. Georgists today argue that land rent should be
collected from titleholders so that it is not left to render economic distortions.
This in turn affects the price of labor and the price of money. Government’s
role, whatever else it does, is at the very least responsible for defending
the commons, to ascertain titles and to collect rent. Although there are
many differences about the proper role, scope and domain of government among
Georgist adherents, the collection of rent and the supervision of open markets
is central to its tenets. ...
So also in the case of the auctioning of “pollution credits” or
tradeable permits, what in fact constitute the right of power industries to
treat the air as a dump to the full extent which environmental tolerances allow.45 These “credits” are
now “owned” by the private sector and traded back and forth among
corporations, even though all people experience the consequences of its treatment.
Airport landing slots, “prime time” broadcasting, and many other
time-sensitive dimensions have all been handed over to the private sector with
nominal benefit to the public. London Mayor Ken Livingstone has been a strong
supporter of renting the landing slots at Heathrow and Gatwick Airports, and
is at this very time exploring a rent recovery scheme to pay for the upgrade
of components of the Jubilee tube line.46...
A Georgist agenda also calls for the regular auctioning of mineral extraction
rights, fishing rights, and other access to natural resources in a way that
their rent is returned fully and fairly to the public weal.73Alanna Hartzok has offered compelling arguments
why rent from locational sites should be reserved to finance the services of
local governments, rent from natural resources identifiable within a nation’s
boundaries should be captured to finance national governments, and rents of
those resources beyond national borders should be used to finance world governments.74
Pricing resources of nature at their marginal rates is a clearly understood
economic principle. To do otherwise fosters extravagant and wasteful use of
such, or leads to inefficient use of their locations. Hence both a moral reason — the
unjust windfall gain that otherwise befalls such monopoly titles — and
an economic reason — efficiency — call for such practices. It is
the compelling impetus of politics and not economic rationality that frustrates
the implementation of such designs. With the advent of greater and more accurate
data, as well as the increased power of computer analysis, there is every reason
to argue for and anticipate the collection of economic rent from every source
where it arises. ...
A central premise of ecological economics is a recognition that market
prices do not reflect the value of commodities, particularly the resources
and services of nature. Oscar Wilde first noted that a cynic was “a
man who knows the price of everything and the value of nothing.” 83 But
it is clearly not only cynics who hold such ideas today. The growing “commodification” of
all things — the consequence of a gradual and inexorable privatization
of the whole world and the ever expanding attempts to include everything which
humans touch in a market economy, where objects and services which lack a market
price are thus treated as free goods — means either that ultimately everything
must be priced or else that other means must be found by which to identify
value. The subfield of environmental economics is based on just this view — that
everything must be priced. To be sure, we
cannot live without the natural environment, yet treatment of natural goods
and services as free under the neoclassical economics framework leads inevitably
to their total consumption and destruction.84 The looming
exhaustion of natural resources compels us to recognize that market prices
have limited worth in signaling true value, whether those resources be the
biota of the world upon which human beings also depend for their existence
or mineral wealth in the form of fossil fuel energy which drives modern economies.
If we do try in any way to price the goods and services provided by the environment,
they are so far beyond counting that it becomes self-evident that our economic
approach must change.85
...
The
heart of ecological economics is ecological carrying capacity and the premise
of economic sustainability. Although this term has to some extent become a
mantra and widely abused, its most popular definition remains that first enunciated
by the 1987 Brundtland Commission Report: "development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs."92 Principle 3
of the 1992 UNCED Rio Declaration: "The right to development must be fulfilled so as
to equitably meet developmental and environmental needs of present and future
generations."93 At various
times scholars have sought to improve upon this definition; one offered by
adherents of the ecological economics school reads as follows:
Competitively assessed royalties especially on the extraction of mineral capital
could yield billions of dollars.
1. For renewable resources (fish, trees,
etc.), the rate of harvest should not exceed the rate of regeneration.
2. The rate at which we allow economic
activity to generate wastes that must be passed into the environment should
not be allowed to exceed the environment’s ability to absorb them.
3. The depletion of nonrenewable resources
(oil, coal, etc.) should not be offset by investment in and development of
renewable substitutes for them.94 ...
Living within the laws of nature would seem to be axiomatic in the
development of any ethical system, and it is a mark of degree that our ethics
have so ignored such realities that a corrective is called for. Only in 1967
Professor Lynn White noted in a now famous article how much the Judeo-Christian
tradition has been used to explain and justify practices of exploitation
and domination of our natural environment.99Sand County Almanac, a work only published
in 1949!100 Ecological
economists accept this so much as given — that human beings are of the earth and its bio-system rather than
on the earth to dominate it— that further refinement of this basic
orientation is almost beside the point. This was simply prudent care and
planning to Leopold; he fully recognized our total dependence upon nature.
Not only are human beings co-equal with other living beings of the earth,
so also are beings yet born entitled to an existence. The Iroquois Indians
of New York State are often quoted to the effect that “In our every deliberation,
we should consider the impact of our decisions on the next seven generations.” 101 Several contemporary
environmental organizations have adopted the Iroquois “Great Law of Peace” so
that it has become the vernacular equivalent of the Brundtland Report’s
definition of sustainability. Sustainable economics, or 7th generation planning,
also requires Daly’s “steady state” economy, 102 where (as
if natural resources constitute “capital”) one lives only on interest
and not principle. Daly contrasts two notions of economic practice: growth
and development. The former may momentarily increase economic productivity
and wealth, but is in the long term a fatal course of policy. It increases
quantity but not quality. Development, rather, is what should be aspired to,
an increase in quality, efficiency, and fulfillment through minimal uses of
energy and material resources. For development, the value-added dimension comes
from treading lightly on the earth, from the use of mental capital rather than
physical capital.103 Daly in still
another article talks about three parameters of sustainability: “allocation,
distribution, and scale,” which will lead to an economy which is “efficient,
just and sustainable.” 104
One
exponent of ecological economics suggests five axioms to measure the degree
of “ecosystem health:” 105
Mistaken or not, this view of man’s place
in nature is generally accepted as conventional wisdom throughout western culture.
The ecology movement constitutes a revolutionary and very unsettling outlook
to this prevailing view, a radical shift in thinking from even mainstream environmentalism
and conservation ethics half a century ago. In this view other species, both
plants and animals, are as much entitled to life and well being as is homo
sapiens. Theodore Roosevelt a century ago could never have subscribed to the
views of contemporary environmental ethicists, as much of a conservationist
as he was. The earliest clear manifestation of modern thinking at least in
western thought appears to be Aldo Leopold’s
- The Axiom of Dynamism: Nature
is more profoundly a set of processes than a collection of objects; all
is in flux. Ecosystems develop and age over time.
- The Axiom of Relatedness:
All processes are related to all other processes.
- The Axiom of Hierarchy:
Processes are not related equally but unfold in systems within systems,
differing mainly along the temporal and spatial scale on which they are
organized.
- The Axiom of Creativity:
The autonomous processes of nature are creative and represent the basis
for all biologically based productivity. The vehicle of that creativity
is energy flowing through systems which in turn find stable contexts in
larger systems, which provide sufficient stability to allow self-organization
within them through repetition and duplication.
- The Axiom of Differential Fragility:
Ecological systems, which form the context of all human activities, vary
in the extent to which they can absorb and equilibrate human-caused disruptions
in their autonomous processes.
Elsewhere ecosystems are measured according to their relative
health, a metaphor deliberately taken from the field of medicine. What
constitutes ecosystem health is still very much an open discussion, but
it has been defined in terms such as integrity,106 diversity,
stability and resiliency.107 These are
all concepts which presume a level of depth, span and integration, and
see the living environment not as things and instruments, but rather
as elements of interdependent processes requiring respect, sometimes
even management. It often also presumes respect for the environment not
just for instrumental reasons but for aesthetic and moral reasons. The
reality of ecological economics entails valuation of nature according
to criteria beyond just market value. After all, this nature is a central
part of the “commons” or “natural capital.” ... read the whole article
Mason Gaffney: Economics in Support of Environmentalism
Economics in support of environmentalism" - is that an oxymoron?
There are economists who put down environmentalists as unwelcome intruders
in social policy; there are environmentalists who file economists under "The
Great Satan." Some economists deserve it. I will show how these differences
arise, and how we may compose them.
I.
Worthy goals often conflict with each other A.
Corn vs. Barley B. New rules C. Unresolved conflicts D.
Danger of isolation through overkill
II.
The Dereliction of Economists A. Defining away land B.
Private property: from means to end C. Leapfrogging, floating value,
and compensation D. Siege mentalities
III.
Gifford Pinchot's Winning Formula A. Defining "Conservation" B.
Finding common ground
IV.
Pinchot on "Development"
V.
Urban Sprawl A. Development is not identical with Sprawl B.
Sprawl is not a quest for open space C. Sprawl is not the
product of free choice D. Looking for Mr. Goodbar E.
The public pays twice F. Proactive solutions
VI.
Dig deep
Frank Stilwell and Kirrily Jordan: The
Political Economy of Land: Putting Henry George in His Place
Land is the most basic of all economic resources, fundamental to the form
that economic development takes. Its use for agricultural purposes is integral
to the production of the means of our subsistence. Its use in an urban context
is crucial in shaping how effectively cities function and who gets the principal
benefits from urban economic growth. Its ownership is a major determinant
of the degree of economic inequality: surges of land prices, such as have
occurred in Australian cities during the last decade, cause major redistributions
of wealth. In both an urban and rural context the use of land – and
nature more generally – is central to the possibility of ecological
sustainability. Contemporary social concerns about problems of housing affordability
and environmental quality necessarily focus our attention on ‘the land
question.’ ... read the whole article
Weld Carter: A Clarion Call to Sanity, to Honesty, to Justice
Our problem today, as yesterday, and the days before, back to the earliest
recorded times, is POVERTY.
There are times when this problem is lesser. We call these "booms." There
are also times when the problem is greatly exacerbated. These are called "busts." But,
as the Bible says, "the poor have ye always with ye."
The purpose of this paper is to explore the core of the problem. It is not
the position that there is only one single error afoot in our social organizations.
There may be several, there may be only a few things to remedy. The position
is, as stated earlier, that there is one basic cause of the problem. Therefore,
the removal of this one basic error is the first, the primary step, for the
simple reason that, until this basic social evil is eradicated, no other reform
will avail. We will simply continue the boom and bust cycles until the economies
of the whole world are wrecked by inflation or by a nuclear war triggered by
the ongoing economic disaster.
Let us begin this study of the likely causes of our troubles by asking two
questions:
- Are we over-populated?
- Are the earth's resources inadequate for this population?
Our stage, of course, for making this study will be this world of ours, for it
is upon this world that the drama of human living is played out, with all its
joys and all its sorrows, with all its great achievements and all its failures,
with all its nobilities and all its wickedness.
Regardless of its size relative to other planets, with its circumference of
about twenty-five thousand miles, to any mere mortal who must walk to the station
and back each day, it is huge. Roughly ninety-six million miles separate the
sun from the earth on the latter's eliptical journey around the sun. At this
distance, the earth makes its annual journey in its elliptical curve and it
spins on its own canted axis. Because of this cant, the sun's rays are distributed
far more evenly, thus minimizing their damage and maximizing their benefits.
Consider the complementarity of nature in the case of the two forms of life
we call vegetable and animal, in their respective uses of the two gases, oxygen
and carbon dioxide, the waste product of each serving as the life-giving force
of the other. Any increase in the one will encourage a like response in the
other.
Marvel at the manner in which nature, with no help from man or beast, delivers
pure water to the highest lands, increasing it as to their elevation, thus
affording us a free ride downstream and free power as we desire it. Look with
awe at the variety and quantity of minerals with which this world is blessed,
and finally at the fecundity nature has bestowed so lavishly throughout both
animal and vegetable life: Take note of the number of corn kernels from a single
stalk that can be grown next year from a single kernel of this year's crop;
then think of the vastly greater yields from a single cherry pit or the seeds
of a single apple, or grape or watermelon; or, turning to the animal world,
consider the hen who averages almost an egg a day and the spawning fish as
examples of the prolificacy that is evident throughout the whole of the animal
world, including mankind.
If this marvelous earth is as rich in resources as portrayed in the foregoing
paragraph, then the problem must be one of distribution:
- how is the land distributed among the earth's inhabitants, and
- how are its products in turn distributed?
Land is universally treated as either public property or private property. Wars
are fought over land. Nowhere is it treated as common
property.
George has described this world as a "well-provisioned ship" and when one
considers the increasingly huge daily withdrawals of such provisions as coal
and petroleum as have occurred say over the past one hundred years, one must
but agree with this writer. But this is only a static view. Consider the
suggestion of some ten years ago that it would require the conversion of
less than 20%
the of the current annual growth of wood into alcohol to fuel all the motors
then being fueled by the then-conventional means. The dynamic picture of
the future is indeed awesome, and there is every indication that that characteristic
has the potential of endless expansion. So how is it that on so richly endowed
a Garden of Eden as this world of ours we have only been able to make of it
a hell on earth for vast numbers of people?
The answers are simple: we have permitted, nay we have even more than that,
encouraged, the gross misallocation of resources and a viciously wicked distribution
of wealth, and we choose to be governed by those whom we, in our ignorance,
have elected. ... read the whole article
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0: Preface (pages ix.-xvi)
I’m a businessman. I believe society should reward successful initiative
with profit. At the same time, I know that profit-seeking activities have
unhealthy side effects. They cause pollution, waste, inequality, anxiety,
and no small amount of confusion about the purpose of life.
I’m also a liberal, in the sense that I’m not averse to a role
for government in society. Yet history has convinced me that representative
government can’t adequately protect the interests of ordinary citizens.
Even less can it protect the interests of future generations, ecosystems,
and nonhuman species. The reason is that most — though not all — of
the time, government puts the interests of private corporations first. This
is a systemic problem of a capitalist democracy, not just a matter of electing
new leaders.
If you identify with the preceding sentiments, then you might be confused
and demoralized, as I have been lately. If capitalism as we know it is deeply
flawed, and government is no savior, where lies hope? This strikes me as
one of the great dilemmas of our time. For years the Right has been saying — nay,
shouting — that government is flawed and that only privatization, deregulation,
and tax cuts can save us. For just as long, the Left has been insisting that
markets are flawed and that only government can save us. The trouble is that
both sides are half-right and half-wrong. They’re both right that markets
and state are flawed, and both wrong that salvation lies in either sphere.
But if that’s the case, what are we to do? Is there, perhaps, a missing
set of institutions that can help us? ...
Part 2 proposes a number of new property rights, birthrights, and institutions
that would enlarge the commons sector in one way or another. I like to think
that these proposals blend hope and realism. Among them are:
- A series of ecosystem trusts that protect air, water, forests and
habitat;
- A mutual fund that pays dividends to all Americans — one person,
one share;
- A trust fund that provides start-up capital to every child;
- A risk-sharing pool for health care that covers everyone;
- A national fund based on copyright fees that supports local arts;
- A limit on the amount of advertising. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 1: Time to Upgrade (pages 3-14)
Consider also what scientists call biodiversity. The earth is a tiny island
of life in a cold, dark universe. We humans share this magical island with
millions of other species, most of whom we haven’t met. Each of these
species fills a niche and contributes to the web of life. Yet little by little,
we’re pushing the others out of their living spaces. The result is
a wave of extinctions comparable to that which wiped out the dinosaurs sixty-five
million years ago. The difference is that, while the dinosaurs’ extinction
was triggered by a freak event, the current extinctions are being caused
by our everyday activities.
And it’s not just other species we’re endangering. As anthropologists
Jared Diamond and Ronald Wright recently reminded us, past human civilizations
(Sumer, Rome, the Maya, Easter Island) did on a smaller scale what our own
economic system seems bent on doing planet-wide: they destroyed their resource
bases and crashed. The pattern is hauntingly familiar. First, the civilization
finds a formula — agriculture, irrigation, fishing, capitalism — for
extracting value from ecosystems. Because the formula works so well, the
civilization’s leaders become blindly attached to it. Eventually, the
key resources on which the formula depends become depleted and the inflexible
civilization collapses like a house of cards. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 2: A Short History of Capitalism (pages 15-32)
Similarly, in the early capitalist era, land, resources, and places to dump
wastes were abundant; aggregated capital was the scarcest factor. That’s
why rules and practices developed that put capital above all else. In the
twenty-first century, however, this is no longer the case. As economist Joshua
Farley has noted, “If we want more fish on our dinner plates, the scarce
factor isn’t fishing boats, it’s fish. If we want more timber,
the scarce factor isn’t sawmills, it’s trees.”
As a businessman and investor, I’ve benefited personally from the
primacy of capital and am not keen to end it. But as a citizen, I have to
recognize that times have changed. The world is awash with capital, most
of it devoted to speculation. By contrast, healthy ecosystems are increasingly
scarce. If anything deserves priority, it’s nature’s capital,
yet capitalism rolls on with financial capital as its king. ...
DESTRUCTION OF NATURE
Humans began ravaging nature long before capitalism was a gleam in Adam
Smith’s eye. Surplus capitalism, however, has exponentially enlarged
the scale of that ravaging.
I promised no grim numbers, but I’ll cite just one. In 2005, a United
Nations–sponsored research team reported that roughly 60 percent of
the ecosystems that support life on earth are being used unsustainably. Such
overuse, reported the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, increases the likelihood
that abrupt, nonlinear changes will seriously affect human well-being. The
potential consequences include floods, droughts, heat waves, fishery collapse,
dead zones along coasts, sea level rises, and new diseases.
Thoughtful people can debate whether population or technology is more responsible
than capitalism for our loss of ecosystems and biodiversity. No doubt all
play a role. But most of the damage isn’t done by the numerous poor;
it’s done by the far fewer rich. The United States, for example, with
5 percent of the world’s people, has dumped nearly 30 percent of our
species’ cumulative carbon dioxide wastes into the atmosphere. It’s
our excess consumption, rather than the poor’s meager gleanings, that’s
the larger problem, and surplus capitalism is the handmaiden of that excess.
Technology, of course, greatly magnifies our impact on the planet, but technology
by itself is mere know-how. It’s the choice of technologies, and the
scale at which they’re deployed, that affects the planet. Electricity,
for example, can be generated in many ways. When corporations choose among
them, however, their choice is driven not by “least harm to nature,” but
by “most bang for the buck.” And, in doing their calculations,
they count the cost of nature as zero. Hence we have lots of fossil-fuel
burning and little use of solar, wind, and tidal energy.
The same calculus drives corporations’ approach to agriculture, logging,
and many other activities. The result is at once humbling and chilling: capitalism
as we know it is devouring creation. It’s living off nature’s
capital and calling it growth. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 3: The Limits of Government (pages 33-48)
There’s even an economic theory explaining this: Mancur Olson’s
logic of collective action. Olson, a Harvard economist, argued that unless
the number of players in a group is very small, people won’t combine
to pursue their common interests. For example, if the CEOs of five major
airlines decide they want a $500 million government bailout, they pool their
resources and hire a lobbying firm. Together they tell Congress that without
the $500 million, their companies won’t survive, and the consequences
of their collapse will be dire.
Who lobbies against them? No one. The reason is that, while the five airlines
will gain about $100 million each, the average taxpayer will lose only $5
each. It’s thus not worth it for ordinary citizens to get off their
duffs and fight.
On top of this, there’s an even deeper problem. Democracy responds
at best to voters and at worst to money. Both voters and donors are living
humans. Not even seated at democracy’s table — not organized,
not propertied, and not enfranchised — are future generations, ecosystems,
and nonhuman species. James Madison and his brethren could scarcely have
foreseen this defect. In their day, politics was about the clash between
living factions, not between living humans and their heirs, or between our
species and the rest of nature. But that’s no longer the case.
The implications of Adam Smith’s quote at the beginning of this chapter
are thus even graver than he thought. If government’s inherent bias
is toward property owners, the losers aren’t only the poor. The losers
are also future generations, ecosystems, and nonhuman species, none of whom
own any property at all. The only positive news here is that the converse
might also be true: if future generations, ecosystems, and nonhuman species
did own property, they might have some economic and political power. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 4: The Limits of Privatization (pages 49-63)
It’s tempting to believe that private owners, by pursuing their own
self-interest, can preserve shared inheritances. No one likes being told
what to do, and words like statism conjure fears of bureaucracy at best and
tyranny at worst. By contrast, privatism connotes freedom.
In this chapter, we look at Garrett Hardin’s second alternative for
saving the commons: privatism, or privatization. I argue that private corporations,
operating in unconstrained markets, can allocate resources efficiently but
can’t preserve them. The latter task requires setting aside some supplies
for future generations — something neither markets nor corporations,
when left to their own devices, will do. The reason lies in the algorithms
and starting conditions of our current operating system.
The Algorithms of Capitalism 2.0
If you’ve ever used a computer spreadsheet, you know what an algorithm
is. Each cell in the spreadsheet contains a set of instructions: take data
from other cells, manipulate the data according to a formula, and display
the result. The instructions within each cell are algorithms.
If you think of the economy as a huge spreadsheet, with each cell representing
a producer, consumer, or property owner, you can see that the behavior of
the whole is driven by the algorithms in the cells. Our current operating
system is dominated by three algorithms and one starting condition. The algorithms
are:
(1) maximize return to capital,
(2) distribute property income on a per-share basis, and
(3) the price of nature equals zero.
The starting condition is that the top 5 percent of the people own more property
shares than the remaining 95 percent.
The first algorithm is what drives corporations. It tells them to sell as
much as they can, pay as little as possible for labor, resources, and waste
disposal, and make shareholders happy every quarter. It focuses the minds
of managers every day. If they work in marketing, they wake up thinking about
how to sell more; if there’s no demand for their product, they must
create some. If they work in finance, they worry about margins and leverage.
If they’re in labor relations, they bargain hard, replace long-term
employees with temps, and shift jobs to places where wages are lower. All
the while, the CEO feeds sweet numbers to Wall Street.
The second and third algorithms then mesh with the first. It’s the
combination of these algorithms that causes the wheels of capitalism to devour
nature and widen inequality among humans. At the same time, nothing in the
algorithms requires or encourages corporations, either individually or collectively,
to preserve anything.
This doesn’t mean people inside corporations don’t think about
protecting nature, raising their workers’ pay, or giving something
back to society. Often, they do. It does mean their room for actually doing
such things is too narrow to make a difference. Nor does it mean that, from
time to time, some brave mavericks don’t briefly flout the corporate
algorithm. They do that, too. What I’m saying is that, in the great
majority of cases, the corporate algorithm and its brethren are obeyed. For
all practical purposes, the publicly traded corporation is a slave to its
algorithm. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 5: Reinventing the Commons (pages 65-78)
Natural Assets
In 2002, economists Robert Costanza and Paul Sutton estimated the contribution
of ecosystem services to the U.S. economy at $2 trillion. Ecosystem services
represent the benefits humans derive from natural ecosystems, including
food from wild plants and animals, climate regulation, waste assimilation,
fresh water replenishment, soil formation, nutrient cycling, flood control,
pollination, raw materials, and more. Using data from many previous studies,
as well as satellite photography, Costanza and Sutton estimated values
for ecosystems per unit of biome (an acre of rain forest, or grasslands,
or desert, for example). They then multiplied by the total area of each
biome and summed over all services and biomes.
If $2 trillion represents the yearly contribution of nature to the U.S.
economy, what’s the underlying value of America’s natural assets?
One way to answer this is to treat yearly ecosystem services as “earnings” produced
by “stocks”of natural assets.These earnings can then be multiplied
by the average price/earnings ratio of publicly traded stocks over the last
fifty years (16.5/1) to arrive at an estimated natural asset value of $33
trillion.
This figure is, if anything, an underestimate, because it ignores a singular
aspect of nature: its irreplaceability. If Corporation X were to go out of
business, its useful contributions to society would quickly be supplied by
another corporation.
If a natural ecosystem were to disappear, however, it could not so easily
be replaced. Thus, an irreplaceability premium of indeterminate magnitude
should be added to the $33 trillion. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 6: Trusteeship of Creation (pages 79-100)
A Second Set of Books
Mental models begin with assumptions. Most economists today assume there
are only two kinds of property, private (that is, corporate or individual)
and state. There are no shared assets, no inter- or intragenerational obligations,
and no nonhumans other than those we eat.
Yet as we’ve seen, many things are missing here. The most obvious
omission is the great economy of nature within which the human enterprise
operates. We’re borrowing prodigiously from that economy, but not recording
the loans. Equally absent are future generations, from whom we’re borrowing
just as wantonly and surreptitiously. In a proper bookkeeping system, every
loan shows up on two balance sheets, the borrower’s and the lender’s.
One entity’s liability is another entity’s asset. But this isn’t
true in contemporary economics. When the human economy grows, assets on corporate
and individual balance sheets go up, but nowhere is there a debit. In fact,
there aren’t any accounts that could be debited. There’s only
good growth on one side of the ledger, and on the other, a void in which
illth and debt accumulate, uncounted and unnoticed.
In recent years, economists have added a few bits to this stripped-down
model. For example, they now recognize public goods and ecosystem services
as contributors of economic value. Public goods are services like national
defense, education, and flood control, which benefit everyone but can’t
easily be sold at a profit. Because markets don’t adequately supply
them, governments step in and do so. Economists sometimes debate whether
the value of these public goods exceeds the “burden” they impose
on taxpayers, but they don’t see the expenditures as adding value to
any account, or to any asset owned by anyone.
Similarly, many economists now recognize ecosystem services as valuable
inputs to the economy. However, the ecosystems that produce these services
have no owners or balance sheets. They’re just there, floating in space,
with no connection to humans. What I’m suggesting is that economists
treat them as if they were common property held in trust. This simple supposition
would not only put ecosystems on the books, enabling us to track them better;
it would also pave the way to real-world property rights that actually protect
those ecosystems. ... read
the whole chapter
Peter Barnes: Capitalism
3.0 — Chapter 10: What You Can Do (pages 155-166)
This third version of capitalism is a logical successor to the first two.
In Capitalism 1.0 we had a shortage of goods, in Capitalism 2.0 a surplus.
In Capitalism 3.0 we’ll have plenty, but not too much. We’ll
have more things we truly need — healthier ecosystems, communities,
culture — and fewer thneeds. We’ll have a proper balance between
our “me” and our “we” sides. We’ll be more
connected and less isolated, more secure and less stressed. Overall, I’d
venture, we’ll be happier. ... read
the whole chapter
Rev. A. C. Auchmuty: Gems from George, a
themed collection of
excerpts from the writings of Henry George (with links to sources)
THAT man cannot exhaust or lessen the powers of nature follows from the
indestructibility of matter and the persistence of force. Production and
consumption are only relative terms. Speaking absolutely, man neither produces
nor consumes. The whole human race, were they to labor to infinity, could
not make this rolling sphere one atom heavier or one atom lighter, could
not add to or diminish by one iota the sum of the forces whose everlasting
circling produces all motion and sustains all life. As the water that we
take from the ocean must again return to the ocean, so the food we take from
the reservoirs of nature is, from the moment we take it, on its way back
to those reservoirs. What we draw from a limited extent of land may temporarily
reduce the productiveness of that land, because the return may be to other
land, or may be divided between that land and other land, or perhaps, all
land ; but this possibility lessens with increasing area, and ceases when
the whole globe is considered. — Progress & Poverty — Book
II, Chapter 3: Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
LIFE does not use up the forces that maintain life. We come into the material
universe bringing nothing; we take nothing away when we depart. The human
being, physically considered, is but a transient form of matter, a changing
mode of motion. The matter remains and the force persists. Nothing is lessened,
nothing is weakened. And from this it follows that the limit to the population
of the globe can only be the limit of space. — Progress & Poverty — Book
II, Chapter 3: Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
DOES not the fact that all of the things which furnish man's subsistence
have the power to multiply many fold — some of them many thousand
fold, and some of them many million or even billion fold — while
he is only doubling his numbers, show that, let human beings increase to
the full extent of their reproductive power, the increase of population
can never exceed subsistence? This is clear when it is remembered that
though in the vegetable and animal kingdoms each species, by virtue of
its reproductive power, naturally and necessarily presses against the conditions
which limit its further increase, yet these conditions are nowhere fixed
and final. No species reaches the ultimate limit of soil, water, air, and
sunshine; but the actual limit of each is in the existence of other species,
its rivals, its enemies, or its food. Thus the conditions which limit the
existence of such of these species as afford him subsistence man can extend
(in some cases his mere appearance will extend them), and thus the reproductive
forces of the species which supply his wants, instead of wasting themselves
against their former limit, start forward in his service at a pace which
his powers of increase cannot rival. If he but shoot hawks, food-birds
will increase: if he but trap foxes the wild rabbits will multiply; the
bumble bee moves with the pioneer, and on the organic matter with which
man's presence fills the rivers, fishes feed. — Progress & Poverty — Book
II, Chapter 3: Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
IF bears instead of men had been shipped from Europe to the North American
continent, there would now be no more bears than in the time of Columbus,
and possibly fewer, for bear food would not have been increased nor the conditions
of bear life extended, by the bear immigration, but probably the reverse.
But within the limits of the United States alone, there are now forty-five
millions of men where then there were only a few hundred thousand, and yet
there is now within that territory much more food per capita for the forty-five
millions than there was then for the few hundred thousand. It is not the
increase of food that has caused this increase of men; but the increase of
men that has brought about the increase of food. There is more food, simply
because there are more Man. — Progress & Poverty — Book II,
Chapter 3: Population and Subsistence: Inferences from Analogy
TWENTY men working together will, where nature is niggardly, produce more
than twenty times the wealth that one man can produce where nature is most
bountiful. The denser the population the more minute becomes the subdivision
of labor, the greater the economies of production and distribution, and,
hence, the very reverse of the Malthusian doctrine is true; and, within the
limits in which we have any reason to suppose increase would still go on,
in any given state of civilization a greater number of people can produce
a larger proportionate amount of wealth and more fully supply their wants,
than can a smaller number. — Progress & Poverty — Book II,
Chapter 4: Population and Subsistence: Disproof of the Malthusian Theory
... go to "Gems from George"
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