California's Proposition 13 has had a wide range of undesirable effects. Among
  them is the tendency for people to remain in homes that are too big for or
  otherwise unsuited to their current needs, while others who seek such homes
  must build them somewhere on the fringe. Also, people who no longer need to
  be close to their work are incentivized to remain in those choice sites, while
  those who do need access to those workplaces must commute long distances. If
  the market were permitted to work, housing prices in California would be much
  lower and more people would live closer to their work.
   While it is often true that the prospect of earning
          capital gains is what induces new investment to be made, applying further
          rate cuts to real estate gains cannot be expected to spur much new
          construction activity under present fiscal institutions. Clearly a “capital” gains
          tax cut cannot cause the production of more land; land (as distinct
          from capital improvements) is made by nature, not by the landowner.
          As to buildings, more of the tax benefit would go to speculators in
          existing capital than to investors in construction and renewal. We
          also doubt that a further rate reduction is likely to accelerate real
          estate turnover by reversing a “lock-in effect.” Turnover
          is strongly affected by depreciation rates. In periods of rapid write-offs
          -- most strikingly during the 1980s, when real estate could be written
          off faster than in any other period --  buildings tend to be sold
          as soon as they are depreciated. The 1986 reforms reduced the incentives
          for this rapid turnover, but the principle is clear: When depreciation
          rates are high, there is a powerful tax-induced incentive to sell a
          building when it is fully depreciated.24 The basic motivation
          at work, of course, is to avoid taking investment returns as taxable
          income. Investors prefer to declare as much of their income as possible
          in the form of capital gains, which are taxed later and at a lower
          rate. Read the whole article
  
 
  Normal yearly turnover in the U.S.
          land market is 3-4 percent of parcels, and much less than 3 percent of
          value (because small parcels turn over faster). Most of even that
          small turnover is zero-sum, buyers being financed by sales of what they
          owned before. Net movement of money in or out of land is a small percentage
    of total value turned over, and a minuscule share of total land value. ...  
  There would be no land gains if land rent were to be 100 percent
            socialized, and if the market expected it to remain so. In practice
            those circumstances are unlikely, and some would consider them undesirable:
            the easiest and most accurate way to appraise rent is by monitoring the
            market in land titles.
  When land and/or minerals are "ripening" over an extended period of
        ownership, a property tax during the ripening period can be shown to collect
        exactly the proper share of the increment, but only under ideal conditions.
        First, the market and the foresight of market agents must be so perfect that
        value rises roughly along a curve of compound interest. Second, tax assessment
        must follow that perfect market closely.
  In practice even rough perfection is, alas, rare. A gains tax is a
        good way of "mopping up" excess rent that escapes the basic rent tax. It
        can also be very productive of revenue: in Taiwan the land gains tax raises
        four times as much as the basic land tax, partly because the gains tax is
        always based strictly on current sales data. The land tax should be based
        on current sales data as well, to be sure, but in Taiwan and many other jurisdictions
        it often is not.
  This writer recommends announcing at time of privatization, and regularly
        thereafter, that landowners should expect a high tax rate, 80 percent or
        more, to be imposed on land gains. It should be contrary to public policy
        for land to attain a value based on expected future resale. Possessory interest
        with allocation to highest and best current use, and not land speculation,
        is the desired emphasis.
  Instead of being made illegal, resale gains should be closely monitored
        to audit the system of rent collection. Gains are evidence that basic rent
        taxes are too low or that market agents expect them either to fall or to
        fail to keep up with rising rent. A rise in gains is an early warning to
        view the land tax administration with alarm and move swiftly to correct it.
        Experience shows that buyers quickly acquire a mental vested interest in
        collecting rent and avoiding taxes based on what they paid, or others are
        now paying, for land titles.
  A problem with gains taxes is the "lock-in effect." Holders with surplus
        land may refuse to sell to avoid tax. A gains tax may be very high, however,
        without a serious lock-in effect, when coupled with a high ongoing rent tax.
        The latter compels owners to dispose of surplus lands. Indeed, the "ripening
        cost" theorists believe it forces premature sales for conversion to new uses.
        If there is any merit to their rationale we should favor strengthening the
        lock-in effect. So should they, as a litmus test of their rational consistency
        and constructive purpose.
  The greatest cause of the lock-in effect of the capital gains tax in
        the U.S., however, is not the tax itself but one of its major loopholes:
        the ability to avoid it via the step-up of basis at time of death. There
        should of course be no such provision, which is a kind of negative inheritance
        tax mainly benefitting heirs who have done nothing to deserve it. Legacies,
        devises, gifts and other transfers without arm's length consideration should
        trigger valuation and tax. So should death itself, when property has to be
        valued anyway.
  Land gain should be defined as the excess of net sales price over depreciated
        cost basis. An administrative problem to note and solve is the manner of
        recording capital outlays and their depreciation, in the (presumed) absence
        of a general income tax.
  A supplemental tax on land transfers is desirable as a tool of disclosure.
        It should be based on gross value of lands transferred (not just gain, and
        not just equity). Many American states have such taxes, at very low rates,
        simply to supply data for land assessment. While rates should be nominal,
        penalties for perjury should be severe: the public has a right to know how
        much others are getting for its property.... read the whole article